Preamble
The letter to erstwhile President Filipe Nyusi and the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique’s (FRELIMO) then Secretary-General, Mr Daniel Chapo, written by one of the five surviving foundation members of the party, former Minister of Health, Mr Helder Martins, detailed FRELIMO’s role in the current political crises bedevilling their country. He noted that internal party disputes, birthed by the infiltration of profiteers seeking to enrich themselves from the commonwealth of Mozambicans, were rooted in the removal of the criteria for party membership during the 1989 Congress. The removal, according to him, undermined the vanguard role of the party by putting it under the control of opportunists who have resources to dent the credibility of electoral processes in the country. The 1989 Congress, however, was meant to be a reformative endeavour following the political and economic strains of the civil war. The party thus made ideological concessions through a shift from socialism to multiparty democracy, and by opting for a liberal market economy. Nonetheless, Mr Martins was reacting to the spate of violence that followed the October 9, 2024 general elections, which resulted in about 400 fatalities among mainly opposition protesters while they expressed grievances against electoral irregularities. Hostilities continued up until March 2025, with state agents supporting FRELIMO’s President Daniel Chapo, who had been declared winner by accumulating 65.7% of the votes, to repress protests by supporters of the main opposition candidate Mr Venancio Mondlane, who was declared second by 24.29%, while contesting under the Partido Otimista pelo Desenvolvimento de Mocambique (Optimist Party for the Development of Mozambique – PODEMOS). Both leaders, however, met on March 23, 2025 to initiate negotiations towards uniting the country by bringing an end to political violence. Political developments in Mozambique thus formed the focus of the Africanist Scholars’ Forum on Monday March 31, 2025 as discussions centred around the historical developments of Mozambican politics and its implications for the future.
Observations
We note that the October elections in Mozambique were flawed by electoral irregularities, as confirmed by independent election observers including the Episcopal Conference of Mozambique and European Union. These irregularities included politically motivated killings, and restriction of freedoms of speech, association and assembly. For a country that survived the civil war after eleven years of independence struggle, the current crises underscore subsistence of the root causes of division in the country. While the civil war has been mainly narrativized as the war of external aggression instigated by South Africa and Rhodesia, recent unrests indicate the need for introspection to foster political stability in the country. For instance, there is the argument that the discontent with FRELIMO, whose foundational leadership was populated by Southern Assimilados comprising those who embraced European customs and pledged loyalty to the colonialists in exchange for political and economic favours, resulted from their cultural alienation within the Mozambican society. This led them to develop alliances with Indians, Mulattos and White Settlers; as well as some Northern ‘Aspiring Assimilados.’ This has been worsened by certain governance policies that violated the traditions of the people by undermining traditional leadership, creating economic hardships for peasants and restructuring social arrangements at the grassroots. This discontent also formed the basis for the intervention of the Resistencia Nacional Mocambicana (Mozambican National Resistance – RENAMO), as it sought to reinstate the traditional status quo ante, with the support of the Rhodesian Central Intelligence Organisation and members of the South African military. However, RENAMO lost its legitimacy when it turned on the people it set out to salvage by plundering them to sustain its cause.
Apart from the 1992 General Peace Agreement, mediated by representatives of the Italian government, Sant’Egidio Community and the Catholic Church in Italy between the leaders of FRELIMO – President Joaquim Chissano and RENAMO – Mr Afonso Dhlakama to end the civil war, the enduring tensions in the country have necessitated two other peace agreements in 2014 – after a two-year conflict, and in 2019 – following the collapse of the 2014 peace agreement after a year. What is instructive is the apparent politicisation of peace processes in the country, with the focus on establishing negotiations that allow for the conduct of elections, but do not lead to durable peace within the Mozambican polity. The recent meeting of the president with the main opposition leader thus presents another important opportunity for opposing parties to revisit the challenges that undermined the implementation of previous peace agreements, and collaborate on more durable approaches to restoring stability within the Mozambican polity.
Regionally, traditional liberation parties within Southern Africa have been experiencing a decline in popularity among voters as landslide victories have diminished into tightly contested elections. This trend was observed in Namibia, with the South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO) winning just 51 of the 96 seats during the 2024 elections, while losing 12 of the previously held seats to the opposition. It was worse in Botswana as the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) retained only 4 of 38 seats during the 2024 elections, after dominating the country’s politics since 1996. The African National Congress (ANC) also lost its majority in the parliament for the first time in the post-apartheid era by winning 159 seats, which only amounted to 40.5% of the parliamentarians, while FRELIMO had its parliamentary seats reduced from 195 to 169. These parties have often attempted to cover up their failings in government by suppressing opposition and dissent through arbitrary detention, assassination, propaganda narratives, restriction of freedom of expression, voter intimidation, rigging and other irregularities.
Recommendations
The passage of the Agreement on Political Commitment for an Inclusive National Dialogue, endorsed on March 5, 2025 by the president and 9 political parties, into law by the National Assembly is a welcomed development in charting the way forward from the ongoing crises. It is important that all stakeholders are integrated into its implementation processes as there are propositions for fundamental changes that include constitutional amendments, restructuring of public service, as well as tax and electoral reforms. This integrative approach would help restore peace in a sustainable manner through ownership of the process by different factions.
It is important that justice be served to all victims of the post-election violence in order to ensure that there is no spillover of grievances. This could entail the political will to implement amnesty for those who were arbitrarily arrested by state agents, offsetting the bills of injured protesters, and compensating bereaved families. Memory initiatives could also be created to serve as reminders of past wrongs and the need to avoid them in the future.
Political leadership on the African continent should consider accountability as non-negotiable with the growing interests of youths in driving political change through electoral politics. With the aging of the population who experienced different liberation struggles, the guarantee of trust hitherto enjoyed by liberation or traditional parties has increasingly been fading away, especially with political challenges that have bedevilled the continent since the return to indigenous rule. Beyond electoral cycles, it is important that political actors prioritize progressive and people-oriented policies to justify claims to legitimacy while occupying elective and appointive positions.